Modi Vs Rahul in Karnataka: Clash of 2 conflicting visions
The stakes in Karnataka are too high to be ignored. Here, people have to choose between two visions of India
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Poll campaigns in Karnataka reflect two conflicting visions of India. One is inspired by Hindutva and the other by the idea of India enshrined in the constitution. The outcome of the Karnataka polls will also determine the dominant narrative of the Lok Sabha elections in 2024.
It is important to interpret poll rhetoric in Karnataka for more than one reason. It gives us an insight into the course of saffron politics in the coming days. We must keep in mind that the Rashtriya Swaymsevak Sangh, the mentor of the Bhartiya Janata Party, is celebrating its centenary in 1925. The organization has gained tremendous confidence since 2014 when Narendra Modi took over as Prime Minister. The outfit has captured almost all institutions of the country, including the media, and is dreaming of converting the Indian nation into a Hindu Rashtra. A defeat in the battle for Karnataka will hugely affect the morale of the RSS cadres. Moreover, the State is considered to be the gateway to Hindutva in the south of India. If the saffron outfit has to expand further in the south, controlling Karnataka is essential. The attempt to impose Hindutva over Dravidian ideology has been failing.
It is also to be seen whether the hyperreal image of Prime Minister Narendra Modi is dwindling. A look at the poll battle in Karnataka certainly gives some impression. The public response to his rallies lacks the usual enthusiasm. Of late, he has adopted his old strategy of campaigning from a distance. He did a road show in neighbouring Kerala. He also did such things as address booth-level party workers through videoconferencing. His brief withdrawal from direct programs certainly speaks something about the status of his party in the State. Modi has, however, come back into the field with a series of rallies and road shows. It is clear that the Prime Minister is finding ways to avoid embarrassment in case his party gets defeated.
There is a need to take a look at the ideological aspects of the Karnataka poll battle. The campaign of the Congress is consistent with its formulations on various issues. The ideological leap the party has made under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi has given momentum to the party's programs. The Bharat Jodo Yatra centered around some vital issues that the country has been facing. They include communal hatred, corporate loot, cronyism, growing inequality, unemployment, and price rises. The Yatra made it possible for the party to articulate a counter-narrative to the communal and authoritarian politics of the BJP. The Congress has also shown the nerve to stand firm on its narrative. Its stand on the Hindenburg report on Adani Group irked its allies, such as the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), led by Sharad Pawar. Pawar not only opposed the demand for a probe by the Joint Parliamentary Committee but also held a meeting with Gautam Adani at his residence to show his solidarity with the business group. However, it made no difference, and the Congress has stood by its demand.
The Karnataka poll battle has given the Congress an opportunity to display its commitment to democracy, secularism, and equity. The party programs indicate a great departure from the policies of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA)-2. The party has proposed several welfare schemes for the weaker sections of society and is emphasizing strengthening the public sector.
Though the BJP has announced various welfare measures to improve the lives of the poorer sections, it is not banking on these promises. Instead, it is trying to divide people through these promises. The best example is its stand on a 4 per cent reservation for Muslims. The state government scrapped the decision and used it to pit Hindus against Muslims by giving two per cent reservation to each of the two dominant communities of the State: the Lingayat and the Vokaligga. However, the case is pending in the Supreme Court after the Court stayed the decision of the State government. Both Lingayat and Vokaligga have already been enjoying 5 per cent and 4 per cent reservations in employment and education, respectively. The Congress has promised to restore the quota for Muslims.
The BJP is not only making an issue out of quotas for Muslims but also raising other issues to target Muslims. The party has invoked the bogey of appeasement of Muslims and accused Congress of appeasement of Muslims. The BJP and the RSS have been targeting Muslims on issues like Hizab and Tipu Sultan. The party is also trying to portray Congress as anti-Lingayat.
Will the communal card bring electoral success to the BJP? A close look, however, at the affairs in the state does not show communal cards working. There is a strong anti-incumbency against the ruling BJP government, and the allegation of extorting a 40 per cent commission from every contract given by the state government has become a major poll issue. The BJP is unable to counter it. Its allegations that Congress and other parties were running corrupt governments and central agencies, including the Enforcement Directorate (ED), the CBI, and the Income Tax Department, were looking into corruption by Congress leaders do not hold water. The rhetoric does not seem to be effective because the central agencies have lost their credibility among the people.
The BJP has prominently included two things in its campaign. One relates to the so-called ‘government with double engines,’ and if Congress returns to power, the state will have to face riots. Both of them defy the spirit of the Indian Constitution. One is against the federal scheme of the constitution, and another violates the democratic spirit. How can a competing political party be shown in such a poor light? The stakes in Karnataka are too high to be ignored. Here, people have to choose between two visions of India.
(The author is a senior journalist. He has experience of working with leading newspapers and electronic media including Deccan Herald, Sunday Guardian, Navbharat Times and Dainik Bhaskar. He writes on politics, society, environment and economy)